Volume 115, Issue 8, June 2006
9
Tributes
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1843
Donald Ayer,
Wednesday, 31 May 2006
115 Yale L.J. 1843 (2006)
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1847
Richard W. Garnett,
Wednesday, 31 May 2006
115 Yale L.J. 1847 (2006)
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1857
Jon Kyl,
Wednesday, 31 May 2006
115 Yale L.J. 1857 (2006)
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Article
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1862
Jamal Greene,
Wednesday, 31 May 2006
115 Yale L.J. 1862 (2006)
Lawrence v. Texas remains, after three years of precedential life, an opinion in search of a principle. It is both libertarian–Randy Barnett has called it the constitutionalization of John Stuart Mill's On Liberty–and communitarian–William Eskridge has described it as the gay rights movement's Brown v. Board of Education. It is simultaneously broad, in its evocation of our deepest spiritual commitments, and narrow, in its self-conscious attempts to avoid condemning laws against same-sex marriage, prostitution, and bestiality. This Article reconciles these competing claims on Lawrence's jurisprudential legacy. In Part I, it defends the view that Lawrence constitutionalizes what I call "metaprivacy": When societal consensus internalizes a breach of the historical legal divide between particular "conduct" and an associated "status," punishment of that conduct cannot be based on moral approbation alone. The Article then, in Part II, harmonizes this view of Lawrence's legacy with pre-Lawrence constitutional privacy doctrine and theory. Finally, in Part III, the Article applies this understanding of Lawrence interdoctrinally, to capital sentencing. The Article suggests that all that separates the impermissible moral judgments made by a legislature in prohibiting sodomy from the permissible--indeed, almost constitutionally required–moral judgments made during the sentencing phase of a capital trial is a preference for gays over other a priori criminals. Notwithstanding the obvious appeal of permitting such a preference, Lawrence provides no support for it.
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Essay
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1930
Douglas G. Baird and Donald S. Bernstein,
Wednesday, 31 May 2006
115 Yale L.J. 1930 (2006)
In a Chapter 11 reorganization, senior creditors can insist on being paid in full before anyone junior to them receives anything. In practice, however, departures from "absolute priority" treatment are commonplace. Explaining these deviations has been a central preoccupation of reorganization scholars for decades. By the standard law-and-economics account, deviations from absolute priority arise because well-positioned insiders take advantage of cumbersome procedures and permissive judges. In this Essay, we suggest a different force is at work. Deviations from absolute priority are inevitable even in a world completely committed to respecting priority as long as the value of the reorganized enterprise is uncertain. Uncertainty accompanies any valuation procedure. Bargaining in corporate reorganizations takes place in the shadow of this uncertainty, and standard models of litigation and settlement show that valuation uncertainty alone can explain many of the departures from absolute priority in large corporate reorganizations. Even when rational and well-informed senior investors expect the absolute priority rule to be strictly enforced, they must take into account the uncertainty associated with any valuation. The possibility of an unexpectedly high appraisal may sometimes cause them to offer apparently out-of-the-money junior investors contingent interests in the reorganized business. The debate over absolute priority--the central principle of modern corporate reorganization law--has been misdirected for decades. It has failed to recognize that a substantive rule of absolute priority does not always lead to absolute priority outcomes. A coherent account of reorganization outcomes must take into account the junior investors' right to insist on an appraisal the result of which is uncertain. This uncertainty may by itself give that right option value. The most sensible path for reform is one that seeks to minimize this valuation uncertainty.
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Feature
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1977
Jed Rubenfeld,
Wednesday, 31 May 2006
115 Yale L.J. 1977 (2006)
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Note
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2148
Justin Florence,
Wednesday, 31 May 2006
115 Yale L.J. 2148 (2006)
Since 9/11, the federal government's use of terrorist watchlists has constrained the liberty of thousands of American travelers and transportation workers. While watchlists make sense for security purposes, they have a pair of troubling side effects: Individuals may be listed by mistake, and once on a list it is not easy to get off. This Note argues that all people kept from working or traveling by government use of terrorist watchlists have a due process right to receive meaningful procedural protections, including notice of their status and a fair hearing. The Note then proposes model procedures that protect both constitutional liberties and national security.
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Comments
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2183
Eric Citron,
Wednesday, 31 May 2006
115 Yale L.J. 2183 (2006)
This Comment argues that a proper understanding of Booker's reasonableness review validates the appellate court's rejection of these reduced-ratio sentences in Pho, and should do so despite the fact that the sentences issued by Judge Torres were eminently "reasonable" in any colloquial sense of the term. Two possible conceptions of reasonableness review must be distinguished--"reasonable-length" review and "reasons-based" review--and the latter should be preferred. Reasons-based review focuses not on the terms imposed but on the reasons given for imposing them, insisting that those reasons comport with Congress's sentencing priorities. This paradigm, more so than the vague reasonableness standard, acknowledges congressional authority over sentencing rationales and preserves a central role for Congress's much-beloved Sentencing Guidelines going forward. At the same time, by seeing the Guidelines as providing reasons rather than outcome-oriented formulae, it avoids the rote view of the Guidelines that rendered them unconstitutional under Booker. It is thus not only the most appropriate view on the law, but also capable of reconciling Congress's obvious desire for rule-bound sentencing with the advisory role of the Guidelines as they now stand.
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2203
Steven Shepard,
Wednesday, 31 May 2006
115 Yale L.J. 2203 (2006)
In this Comment I question the U.S. Attorney's claim that every criminal defendant should be required to sit at the table farthest from the jury. Courtroom seating is properly within a trial judge's discretion, and there are good reasons for seating some criminal defendants far from the jury. Yet there are also persuasive arguments, grounded in history and precedent, for why a trial judge should allow a well-behaved criminal defendant to choose for himself where he will sit. In Part I, I suggest that the criminal defendant's autonomy to choose his seat is an important aspect of the American courtroom tradition. In Part II, I argue that the defendant's well-established freedom to control some aspects of his appearance before the jury--by wearing civilian clothes rather than prison garb, for example--implies a freedom to choose the place of his appearance as well. Part III addresses the government's response to Ramsey's letter.
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